Tag Archives: race

Racism, science, and common sense

John Edward Terrell


Five ways to stop sounding like a racist if you aren’t one.

If you think racism isprejudice, discrimination, or antagonism directed against someone of a different race based on the belief that one’s own race is superior,” science has something surprising to tell you.


WHAT A DIFFERENCE A DECADE CAN MAKE. Back in 2006, Angela Davis remarked during a keynote address at the University of Wyoming honoring Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday: “We have been basically persuaded that we should not talk about racism.”  Following the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of African-American teen Trayvon Martin in 2013, the activist movement Black Lives Matter was born. Since then the issue of racism has been front and center in American politics. What remains elusive, however, is why racism however motivated finds such fertile ground in the human psyche.

The Earth is flat

Kyrie Irving, who plays basketball brilliantly for the Cleveland Cavaliers, made headlines in February 2017 for declaring boldly that the Earth is flat. He was perhaps pulling our collective leg.  His stated rationale, however, has more than a little bit of good old common sense to back it up:

“For what I’ve known for as many years and what I’ve come to believe, what I’ve been taught, is that the Earth is round,” he continued. “But if you really think about it from a landscape of the way we travel, the way we move, and the fact that—can you really think of us rotating around the sun and all planets aligned, rotating in specific dates, being perpendicular with what’s going on with these planets?”

Crazy thinking?  Maybe, but then what about this? A poll published two years ago by the U.S. National Science Foundation found that 26% of Americans don’t know that despite appearances to the contrary, the Sun does not go around the Earth.   Perhaps more astonishing, when asked, 52% of Americans evidently don’t agree with the statement that humans evolved from earlier animal species.

You don’t have to be Bill Nye or Neil deGrasse Tyson to see that all these instances of scientific ignorance make perfect sense from a common sense point of view despite being wrong. Furthermore, it wasn’t all that long ago most people on Earth in point of fact were misinformed in precisely these ways: yes, of course, the Earth is flat; yes, it is obvious that the Sun goes around the Earth; and haven’t you heard? Humans were created in their present form by a special act of Divine Will.

. . . and races are real

There are no polls I know of to back up the claim. Even so, it seems likely many people today—maybe even most—would also say they can’t possibly be at all racist because, don’t you know?, they don’t look down upon people in other races (see the dictionary definition reprinted above).

Editorial cartoon showing a Chinese man, surrounded by luggage labeled “Industry”, “Order”, “Sobriety”, and “Peace”, being excluded from entry to the “Golden Gate of Liberty”. The sign next to the iron door reads, “Notice—Communist, Nihilist, Socialist, Fenian & Hoodlum welcome. But no admittance to Chinamen.” At the bottom, the caption reads, “THE ONLY ONE BARRED OUT. Enlightened American Statesman—’We must draw the line somewhere, you know.'” 1882. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_only_one_barred_out_cph.3b48680.jpg. . . and races are real

This argument may be socially honorable, but if this is what many truly believe, then there are people who need to hear that just like the idea that the Earth is flat, so too, the notion that  human beings come in different kinds that can be labeled as “races” is just plain scientifically wrong.

As the anthropologist Jonathan Marks at the University of North Carolina – Charlotte and many others, too, have been saying for years, human genetic variation around the globe is real. But the same cannot be said for the commonsense claim that the Earth is peopled by separate and distinct human races.

As Marks has observed on numerous occasions, when we try to divide people up into different races, it’s not that we’re reading natural patterns of variation and simply extracting this idea from nature. Instead,

what we’re doing is we’re deciding that certain patterns of variation are less important than others, and certain patterns of variation are more important than others. We decide that the difference between a Norwegian and an Italian is not significant and so we’ll place them in the same category. And we decide that the difference between a Persian and a Somali is important; and so we’ll place them in different categories.

Sinner heal thyself

It is probably true that most human geneticists nowadays recognize that human beings don’t come in kinds—that is, races aren’t real. It is more than unfortunate, therefore, that geneticists today generally still don’t seem to know how to talk about human biological variation from place to place and down through time without using words—the term “population,” for example—that all too easily can mislead others less knowledgeable into believing science still endorses the old commonsense idea that human races exist in the real world to be embraced or savaged depending on one’s personal and moral proclivities.

No wonder, therefore, that dictionary definitions of racism (such as the one at the top of this commentary) can still make it sound like there is nothing wrong with the idea of race provided we don’t use this notion as an excuse for prejudice, discrimination, or antagonism.

The way forward

Most of us don’t believe the Earth is flat. Yet most of us live and act as if it were because this commonsense idea is a seemingly trivial lie that mostly works just fine in everyday life. Similarly, most of us may feel comfortable using the word race for the same reason. Truth be told, however, most of us also know the consequences of doing so can be deadly. Is there a way forward?

Here are 5 recommendations. They have been written specifically with geneticists in mind. But you don’t have to be a professional geneticist to add them to your own personal stock of “best practices.”

  1. Avoid whenever possible using facile concepts and terms such as ancestry, migration, and admixture when writing about human diversity.
  2. Abandon using the outdated concept of a “population,” and replace it with the statistician’s term “sample.”
  3. Stop writing about the “population structure” of this or that species, and instead report on their “genetic structure” as a species.
  4. Develop comparative databases documenting the genetic structure of other species to demonstrate publicly and repeatedly until the truth finally sinks in that geographic variation doesn’t have to be “racial” to be real.
  5. Create mathematical tools and network algorithms to use when mapping, analyzing, and reporting on the genetic structure of a species that unlike current methods (e.g., the popular computer program Structure) are non-categorical.

Racial migrations and human genetics: The “game changer” in the South Pacific that wasn’t – part 3

John Edward Terrell and Kevin M. Kelly


This is part 3 of a 3 part commentary


How many immigrants does it take to make a migration?

When presented with a sample comprising only 3+1 skulls, both scientific caution and parsimony suggest you should assume that colonists coming ashore back at the beginning of human history in Vanuatu and Tonga were probably more diverse, biologically speaking, than is witnessed by these four—at least until there is further evidence showing they did indeed come not just from a genetically homogeneous place of origin, but also a place where the inhabitants were as sui generis as they appear to be vis-à-vis others on earth (Skoglund et al. 2016: fig. 1b).

Logic such as this is well worth attending to. But in this instance, there is an equally logical way to get around the usual working assumption that people are likely to be more diverse than first appearances may suggest. Given how poorly specified are the two hypotheses under scrutiny here, it is anyone’s guess how big  we are supposed to think the boats must have been that brought early colonists to Vanuatu and Tonga around three thousand years ago. Even granting they may have arrived in more than one canoe, it would be reasonable to assume those arriving were fairly few in numbers. If so, then there is no need to assume blindly that those who came ashore in Vanuatu or Tonga constituted a representative (random) sample of the real human genetic diversity among those back home in the places where they came from, wherever on earth that was (Terrell 1986).

Furthermore, this is not all that might be reasonably assumed when trying to pin down the who, what, where, why, and when behind these four skulls. The number of pioneering colonists arriving  in canoes from elsewhere with them or before them may not only have been relatively few. They may also have been kin, i.e., biologically related to one another. If so, then possibly what makes these crania look sui generis in comparison with other people on earth, living and dead, may just be that we are seeing a “family resemblance” in these human remains (Terrell 1986; Walker and Hill 2014).

“Figure 1 New Guinea’s place in the southwestern Pacific (bathymetry downloaded from http://ingrid.ldeo.columbia.edu/SOURCES/ .WORLDBATH/.bath/based on the ETOPO5 5 · 5 min Navy data base).” Source: Terrell 2006: fig. 1
Homeward bound

For journalists and others, the real mystery of these remains, of course, is where these pioneers or their immediate forebears sailed from when they launched their boats to start a new life elsewhere. What is now known or can be reasonably assumed, therefore, about places to the west where they may have sailed from?

Until the Holocene stabilization of sea levels in the southwestern Pacific around 8,000–6,000 years ago, it is likely that much of the northern coastline of New Guinea was steep and uninviting of human settlement (as much of it still is today) except perhaps where favorable local circumstances may have at least temporarily trapped sediment in sandbars, coastal lagoons, and small river deltas. Little is currently known archaeologically about this coastline, which runs east-west for roughly 1,500 miles (2,400 km), and which would logically have been the most likely route between Asia and the farther reaches of the Pacific (Golitko et al. 2016). The best guess at the moment is that few people lived along this coast for the first 35,000–45,000 years of human history in the Pacific (Terrell 2006). In effect, earth and sea conspired to isolate New Guinea, like a sleeping giant, from frequent contact with islanders elsewhere both to the east in what is now popularly called Melanesia, and to the west in Island Southeast Asia (for biological support for this inference, see: Matisoo-Smith 2016: 391).

Following the Holocene stabilization of sea levels, however, coastal areas in Southeast Asia and the Pacific began to develop into rich floodplains, river deltas, and lagoons. By the mid Holocene, it is probable that people in the island realms to the east and west of New Guinea began to deal with one another back-and-forth more often as coastal people began to travel with greater reach along this immense island’s lengthy northern coastline (Torrence and Swadling 2008).

West meets East

Contrary to the notion that there are only two hypotheses about the prehistoric human settlement of the more remote islands in the Pacific east of New Guinea, there are numerous variants not only of those two old ideas but of others, too (for a recent review, see: Matisoo‐Smith 2016). Here we will introduce only one plausible reconstruction (Terrell, in press).

Initial baseline assumptions
  • Archaeologists now think people have been living in Southeast Asia for 50,000 years or so, and perhaps for not quite so long in the islands just east of New Guinea as far as Bougainville in the Northern Solomons.
  • The gradual flooding of the Sunda paleocontinent in what is now Southeast Asia since the Last Glacial Maximum ~21,000 years ago created extensive coastal environments that were ecologically rich and productive (Sathiamurthy and Voris 2006; Hanebuth et al. 2011: fig. 2). Similar extensive flooding did not occur in the area east of New Guinea labeled as Parkinson’s Islands (after the early ethnologist Richard Parkinson) on the map above (Lavery et al. 2016).
  • Due to this environmental advantage, it is probable that there were far more people living in Southeast Asia 6,000 years ago than there were in Parkinson’s Islands.
  • By the mid Holocene—contrary to the prevailing assumption in historical linguistics that doesn’t take this ecological advantage into consideration—it is probable that languages classifiable as Austronesian were widely spoken throughout Wallacea and elsewhere in Southeast Asia even as far north as Taiwan. But not yet in Parkinson’s Islands which had been isolated from Asia by the island of New Guinea.
  • Throughout the Late Pleistocene and early Holocene, Wallacea and Parkinson’s Islands were both areas of the Pacific where the advantages of travel by sea rather than by land nurtured the use of canoes and the development of local navigational methods and skills.
  • Canoes equipped with outriggers and sails were invented in Southeast Asia at some point in the Late Pleistocene or early Holocene. Simple dugout canoes remained the predominant boat type used for travel among coastal communities in Parkinson’s Islands.
Illustration taken from Labillardiere, (1800). Atlas pour servir a la relation du voyage de la recherche de la Perouse. Page Plate 43. Paris. Source: Labillardiere. (1800). Buka Island canoe (Solomon Islands) [digital image]. http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/239987 Modeling the relocation of immigrants from Wallacea
“The word proa comes from perahu, the word for “boat” in Malay.” Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Proa_(PSF).png
Modeling the relocation of immigrants from Wallacea
  1. A small Austronesian-speaking hamlet or village community left home for some particular local reason or reasons from somewhere in Wallacea—or possibly on the north coast of New Guinea—and made landfall in the Bismarck Archipelago.
  2. It is possible that wherever it was they came ashore, they arrived not as strangers but rather as old friends of some of the local people there in the Bismarcks (Terrell 2015).
  3. Among these immigrants were individuals skilled at pottery-making, and also skilled in the arts and rituals of building and sailing outrigger canoes with sails. Both of these technologies were new to the Bismarcks region. Moreover, such skills may not have arrived at the same time if travel back-and-forth between communities in Wallacea, northern New Guinea, and the Bismarcks became routine at least for awhile.
  4. The local people not only welcomed them, but often also acquired new ways of doing things—such as the art of pottery-making—from their immigrant neighbors, in some instances even their foreign language skills. The reverse may have also been true.
  5. Time passed, generations came and went. For now unknown reasons, it eventually became fashionable, prestigious, or perhaps even necessary for some people in the Bismarcks to set sail for islands yet farther to the south and east in the Pacific, although how many people in how many communities were involved, how often they sailed away, and for how many years this voyaging away from home in the Bismarcks went on are now all unknown and perhaps unknowable. 
  6. Even so, considering the passage of the time between (a) the first arrival of immigrants from the west and (b) the departure of some people generations later to settle down in other (more remote) places to the southeast, there is no reason to insist that these two separate episodes of human resettlement were similarly inspired or motivated (Walker and Hill 2014).
  7. Furthermore, given that both the voyaging technology and navigational skills required to colonize the more remote islands of the Pacific may have been available then only in some communities in the Bismarcks, it is not surprising that early settlers in Vanuatu, Tonga, and elsewhere had similar material culture traits (i.e., the so-called “Lapita cultural complex”).
Conclusions

Because the first immigrants who reached Vanuatu and Tonga were entering a vast and uninhabited part of the Pacific, it is probably not surprising that many nowadays have been seduced by the modern global distribution of Austronesian languages—from Madagascar to Rapa Nui (Easter Island) and from New Zealand to Taiwan—into thinking that such a vast geographic compass could only be the historical product of some kind of massive human migration that was singularly intentional and singularly premeditated from the very moment the first Austronesian-speaking immigrant stepped into the first canoe to sail from somewhere in island Southeast Asia  or on the north coast of New Guinea to the Bismarcks 3,000 and more years ago. It is wise to remember, therefore, that appearances can be deceiving.

Furthermore, today we know nothing about marriage (or sexual) practices in the Pacific in the prehistoric past. Although it is stating the case too simply, we do know that the basic building block of human genetic relatedness is the gene. Anyone who knows about the birds and the bees knows that genes can travel far and wide through sexual intercourse even if the people carrying them may only get as far away from home during their time on earth as the next village or two down the road. Consequently, there is no a priori reason to assume that race = language = culture. Or that genes necessarily traveled the Pacific millennia ago as the exclusive and enduring “property” of a massive and self-contained ethnic or ethnolinguistic migration that was able to keep its collective act together over thousands of miles and for hundreds, even thousands, of years. As some anthropologists like to say it, we need models of Pacific prehistory to work with that are “on the ground,” not “pie in the sky.”

Although we have been talking here almost exclusively about the Pacific Islands, the issue at stake is a global one. It is not just worrisome to find that even scientists may sometimes be unaware of the intellectual racism hidden in the conviction that the story of our species is a tale about ancestry, ancient migrations, and admixture. Commonsense ideas like these can be more than misleading. They can lend credence to other notions and old prejudices that can be harmful and sometimes deadly.  

Acknowledgments

We thank Ethan Cochrane, Mark Golitko, Tyrone Lavery, Lisa Matisoo-Smith, and Robin Torrence for assistance in the preparation of this 3-part commentary.

References

Bellwood, Peter. 2011. Holocene population history in the Pacific region as a model for worldwide food producer dispersals. Current Anthropology 52: S363–S378.

Gibbons, Ann. 1994. Genes point to a new identity for Pacific pioneers. Science 263: 32–33, p. 32.

Gibbons, Ann. 2001. The peopling of the Pacific. Science 291: 1735–1737.

Golitko, Mark, Ethan E. Cochrane, Esther M. Schechter, and Jason Kariwiga. 2016. Archaeological and Palaeoenviromental Investigations Near Aitape, Northern Papua New Guinea, 2014. Journal of Pacific Archaeology 7: 139–150.

Green, Roger C. 2003. The Lapita horizon and traditions – signature for one set of oceanic migrations. In C. Sand (ed.), Pacific Archaeology: Assessments and Prospects. Le Cahiers de l’Archéologie en Nouvelle-Calédonie 15. Nouméa: Service de Musées et du Patrimoine de Nouvelle-Calédonie, pp. 95-120.

Hanebuth, Till JJ, Harold K. Voris, Yusuke Yokoyama, Yoshiki Saito, and Jun’ichi Okuno. 2011. Formation and fate of sedimentary depocentres on Southeast Asia’s Sunda Shelf over the past sea-level cycle and biogeographic implications. Earth-Science Reviews 104: 92-110.

Lavery, Tyrone H., Andrew D. Olds, Jennifer M. Seddon, and Luke K‐P. Leung. 2016. The mammals of northern Melanesia: speciation, ecology, and biogeography.” Mammal Review 46: 60–76.

Matisoo-Smith, Elizabeth A. 2016. Human biology and population histories in the Pacific–Is there such thing as a Lapita people?. In: The Routledge Handbook of Bioarchaeology in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, edited by M. Oxenham and H. Buckley, pp. 389–408. Routledge, London.

Sathiamurthy, E. V. H. K., and Harold K. Voris. 2006. Maps of Holocene sea level transgression and submerged lakes on the Sunda Shelf. The Natural History Journal of Chulalongkorn University, Supplement 2: 1-43.

Skoglund, Pontus, Cosimo Posth, Kendra Sirak, Matthew Spriggs, Frederique Valentin, Stuart Bedford, Geoffrey R. Clark, et al. 2016. Genomic insights into the peopling of the Southwest Pacific. Nature 538: 510–513.

Specht, Jim, Tim Denham, James Goff, and John Edward Terrell. 2014. Deconstructing the Lapita cultural complex in the Bismarck Archipelago. Journal of Archaeological Research 22: 89-140.

Specht, Jim, Chris Gosden, Carol Lentfer, Geraldine Jacobsen, Peter J. Matthews, and Sue Lindsay. 2016. A pre-Lapita structure at Apalo, Arawe Islands, Papua New Guinea. The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology: 1-22.

Terrell, John. 1986. Causal pathways and causal processes: Studying the evolutionary prehistory of human diversity in language, customs, and biology. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 5: 187-198.

Terrell, John Edward. 2006. Human biogeography: Evidence of our place in nature. Journal of Biogeography 33: 2088-2098.

Terrell, John Edward. 2015. A Talent for Friendship. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward. In press. Understanding Lapita as history. In Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Oceania, edited by Ethan Cochrane and Terry Hunt. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward, John Edward, Terry L. Hunt, and Chris Gosden. 1997. The dimensions of social life in the Pacific: Human diversity and the myth of the primitive isolate. Current Anthropology 38: 155–195.

Terrell, John Edward, Kevin M. Kelly, and Paul Rainbird. 2001. Foregone conclusions: In search of “Austronesians” and “Papuans.” Current Anthropology 42: 97–124.

Torrence, Robin, and Pamela Swadling. 2008. Social networks and the spread of Lapita. Antiquity 82: 600–616.

Walker, Robert S., and Kim R. Hill. 2014. Causes, consequences, and kin bias of human group fissions. Human Nature 25: 465-475.

© 2017 John Edward Terrell and Kevin M. Kelly. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.

Racial migrations and human genetics: The “game changer” in the South Pacific that wasn’t – part 2

John Edward Terrell and Kevin M. Kelly


This is part 2 of a 3 part commentary


Necessary, plausible, and sufficient

Nobody, as far as we know, has come up with a universally accepted checklist of what makes a scientific hypothesis about anything something worth paying attention to. There are three criteria, however, that strike us as items that ought to be on such a checklist. Here is how we see these three applying to the conclusions now being made about the biological origins of the Polynesians.

Visualization by David Eccles of the two popularly assumed racial migrations from Asia out into the Pacific. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Polynesian_Migration.svg
  1. Necessity: What needs to be explained? Both of the hypotheses weighed by the 31 contributors to the paper in Nature (Skoglund et al. 2016) under discussion here are alternative ways of trying to understand certain widely accepted observations about islanders in the Pacific: (a) people in Polynesia speak languages assigned by linguists to the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) family, as do many people in Melanesia and Island Southeast Asia; (b) archaeologists now generally agree that what they have labeled the “Lapita cultural complex”* dating to ca 3300–2800 cal BP (Specht et al. 2016) exhibits a mix of cultural traits, some local to Melanesia and others apparently having roots to the west in Island Southeast Asia (Specht et al. 2014); and (c) the Lapita skulls found in Vanuatu and Tonga are morphologically and genetically sui generis (as the authors of this paper note, in some respects these four individuals are unique unto themselves).
  2. Plausibility: The two hypotheses considered by this consortium of scholars differ in their plausibility. (a) The idea that people traveled directly from Taiwan to Vanuatu and Tonga is basically impossible to assess given that nothing is said about how they might have done so—a striking omission considering the major dimensions of space and time involved. (b) The second hypothesis put on the table is similarly deficient, but it at least acknowledges that the set of material culture traits associated with the four Lapita skeletons in Vanuatu and Tonga wasn’t  imported in toto direct from Taiwan.
  3. Sufficiency: As Richard Levins observed years ago, truth is the intersection of independent lies. (a) Not only are the two hypotheses considered by this consortium of authors basically left unspecified, but (b) no reason is given for limiting the field of possible hypotheses solely to the two considered by these contributors.
The problem of equifinality

In light of #2 and #3 just noted, consider the old cliché “there is more than one way to skin a cat.” If you are a feline lover, there is even another way of saying more or less the same thing. As the biologist Ludwig von Bertalanffy made famous in the last century, you can call it equifinality. However phrased, it is wise to remember there is usually more than one way to get from A to Z, or even just A to B. The corollary relevant to the present discussion is that one cannot just assert that B came from A without offering a sufficient explanation for how that would have been possible. And more to the point, granting for the sake of discussion that B did somehow come from A, the scientific way of doing the job that needs to be done entails offering more than just 1–2 inadequately specified hypotheses.

The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence

According to these 31 authors: “our modelling indicates that Philippine populations (Kankanaey) are the closest outgroup to the First Remote Oceanians [i.e., these 4 skulls], indigenous Taiwanese (Atayal) second closest, and mainland southeast Asians such as the Dai most remote, consistent with models of population movement along a route from Taiwan to the Philippines to Near Oceania to Remote Oceania.” Maybe yes, maybe no.

Recall that only 14 of the 83 places in their modern comparative genetics sample are located in Island Southeast Asia, and none of the other 69 localities included in their analysis is in the region between the Philippines and northern New Guinea except for a single sample of 10 individuals from Sulawesi. Now look at a map of the region in question (see below).

“Figure 1 | Data from ancient and present-day populations. a, Locations of 778 present-day individuals genotyped on the Affymetrix Human Origins Array and 4 ancient individuals (red symbols).” Source: Skoglund et al. 2016: fig. 1a. Note: blue letters A and B added to the original.

Note two things, in particular. First, if it is true, as the song goes, that it’s a long, long way to Tipperary, then it is an even longer way from (A) Taiwan to (B) Tonga—more than 5,300 miles (8,500 km) in a straight line if a bee could fly that way that far. Second, notice the total lack of genetics samples from the big gap between the Philippines and the Bismarck Archipelago east of New Guinea (the few samples from New Guinea don’t count for reasons we will not go into here).

You don’t have to be a grumpy skeptic, therefore, to ask: if the four Lapita skulls from Vanuatu and Tonga look genetically most like people today in the Philippines, what about folks today, say, in the Moluccas and Halmahera off the Bird’s Head region of western New Guinea? And possibly also people living along  the north coast of New Guinea itself? Must we assume these four individuals from Vanuatu and Tonga somehow came all the way from Taiwan or the Philippines to come ashore there?[*]

Part 3: How many immigrants does it take to make a migration?


* The three skulls from Vanuatu were not found with the rest of their skeletons (Skoglund et al. 2016: supplementary notes). How they had been buried as well as their condition as skulls prior to burial suggest they had been cared for as portable heirlooms for an unknown period of time after death: “Ancient DNA was successfully obtained from three skulls from striking mortuary contexts: a jar burial containing a single skull (B17), an alignment of three skulls lying on the chest of a skeleton without a skull (B10B)”. There is a possibility that these individuals might have been long dead before their skulls arrived in Vanuatu. In contrast, with regard to the single individual from Tonga: “Ancient DNA was successfully obtained from the right petrous bone of burial SK10, a single primary interment of an adult female . . .”.


References

Bellwood, Peter. 2011. Holocene population history in the Pacific region as a model for worldwide food producer dispersals. Current Anthropology 52: S363–S378.

Gibbons, Ann. 1994. Genes point to a new identity for Pacific pioneers. Science 263: 32–33, p. 32.

Gibbons, Ann. 2001. The peopling of the Pacific. Science 291: 1735–1737.

Golitko, Mark, Ethan E. Cochrane, Esther M. Schechter, and Jason Kariwiga. 2016. Archaeological and Palaeoenviromental Investigations Near Aitape, Northern Papua New Guinea, 2014. Journal of Pacific Archaeology 7: 139–150.

Green, Roger C. 2003. The Lapita horizon and traditions – signature for one set of oceanic migrations. In C. Sand (ed.), Pacific Archaeology: Assessments and Prospects. Le Cahiers de l’Archéologie en Nouvelle-Calédonie 15. Nouméa: Service de Musées et du Patrimoine de Nouvelle-Calédonie, pp. 95-120.

Hanebuth, Till JJ, Harold K. Voris, Yusuke Yokoyama, Yoshiki Saito, and Jun’ichi Okuno. 2011. Formation and fate of sedimentary depocentres on Southeast Asia’s Sunda Shelf over the past sea-level cycle and biogeographic implications. Earth-Science Reviews 104: 92-110.

Lavery, Tyrone H., Andrew D. Olds, Jennifer M. Seddon, and Luke K‐P. Leung. 2016. The mammals of northern Melanesia: speciation, ecology, and biogeography.” Mammal Review 46: 60–76.

Matisoo-Smith, Elizabeth A. 2016. Human biology and population histories in the Pacific–Is there such thing as a Lapita people?. In: The Routledge Handbook of Bioarchaeology in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, edited by M. Oxenham and H. Buckley, pp. 389–408. Routledge, London.

Sathiamurthy, E. V. H. K., and Harold K. Voris. 2006. Maps of Holocene sea level transgression and submerged lakes on the Sunda Shelf. The Natural History Journal of Chulalongkorn University, Supplement 2: 1-43.

Skoglund, Pontus, Cosimo Posth, Kendra Sirak, Matthew Spriggs, Frederique Valentin, Stuart Bedford, Geoffrey R. Clark, et al. 2016. Genomic insights into the peopling of the Southwest Pacific. Nature 538: 510–513.

Specht, Jim, Tim Denham, James Goff, and John Edward Terrell. 2014. Deconstructing the Lapita cultural complex in the Bismarck Archipelago. Journal of Archaeological Research 22: 89-140.

Specht, Jim, Chris Gosden, Carol Lentfer, Geraldine Jacobsen, Peter J. Matthews, and Sue Lindsay. 2016. A pre-Lapita structure at Apalo, Arawe Islands, Papua New Guinea. The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology: 1-22.

Terrell, John. 1986. Causal pathways and causal processes: Studying the evolutionary prehistory of human diversity in language, customs, and biology. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 5: 187-198.

Terrell, John Edward. 2006. Human biogeography: Evidence of our place in nature. Journal of Biogeography 33: 2088-2098.

Terrell, John Edward. 2015. A Talent for Friendship. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward. In press. Understanding Lapita as history. In Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Oceania, edited by Ethan Cochrane and Terry Hunt. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward, John Edward, Terry L. Hunt, and Chris Gosden. 1997. The dimensions of social life in the Pacific: Human diversity and the myth of the primitive isolate. Current Anthropology 38: 155–195.

Terrell, John Edward, Kevin M. Kelly, and Paul Rainbird. 2001. Foregone conclusions: In search of “Austronesians” and “Papuans.” Current Anthropology 42: 97–124.

Torrence, Robin, and Pamela Swadling. 2008. Social networks and the spread of Lapita. Antiquity 82: 600–616.

Walker, Robert S., and Kim R. Hill. 2014. Causes, consequences, and kin bias of human group fissions. Human Nature 25: 465-475.

© 2017 John Edward Terrell and Kevin M. Kelly. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.

Racial migrations and human genetics: The “game changer” in the South Pacific that wasn’t – part 1

John Edward Terrell and Kevin M. Kelly


Here’s a hint about why scholars can be so captivated by what is basically an old-fashioned racial migration argument. They are apparently forgetting what they have been taught about the difference between a rhetorical argument and a scientific one.

The is part 1 of a 3 part commentary


THE IDEA THAT ONCE UPON A TIME the many islands of the South Pacific were colonized by different racial migrations out of Asia or the Americas (the latter a minority view) is as old as the hills. Or at any rate, at least as old as the earliest known encounters after 1492 between Europeans and the people living there.

1852 Bocage Map of Australia and Polynesia. The colored boundary lines show how this part of the world has long been subdivided into four cartographic regions labeled here as Malaisie (Malaysia), Micronesie (Micronesia), Polynesie (Polynesia), and Melanesie (Melanesia). Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a2/1852_Bocage_Map_of_Australia_and_Polynesia_-_Geographicus_-_Oceanie-bocage-1852.jpg

The apparent remoteness and isolation of these islands and their inhabitants have long fueled the notion that here, if not necessarily elsewhere on earth, “race, language, and culture” all formerly tracked one another so closely that today, for instance, language differences can still be used successfully—and scientifically—not only to circumscribe and label separate “populations” in the Pacific (e.g., as different “ethnolinguistic groups,” ‘races,” and the like), but can also tell us how to reconstruct the prehistory and ancient migrations of separate and distinct “peoples” out into Oceania (Terrell et al. 1997).

It is generally considered impolite to say so, but the conventional word for this type of thinking is the word racism.

What seems astonishing is that racial thinking like this still frames how archaeologists, linguists, historians, social anthropologists, and human geneticists think about Pacific Islanders and write about their past. The most recent instance of this almost universal practice is possibly also the most revealing example of why otherwise informed scholars find themselves still under the spell of such an antiquated and unscientific idea.

Melanesians and Polynesians

As early as 1813 James Cowles Prichard was formally proposing—as others had earlier done more anecdotally—that the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands starting with New Guinea and neighboring places and moving on out eastward could be divided into “two principal classes.” In his own words (quoted in: Terrell et al. 2001):

The tribes which belong to the first of these are, strictly speaking, savages. They are universally in that rude unimproved state, which precedes all division of professions and employments. Consequently their political condition is that of perfect equality without any difference of ranks. Their physical character is of the rudest kind. Their form and complexion
approximate to those of the Negro.

Pritchard called these rude savages “the race of the Papuas.” Others would come to favor instead the term “Melanesians” (i.e., “black islanders”). He did not offer a name to use for the other—and supposedly superior—class of people except to say that such tribes were to be found in “the more distant regions of the Pacific Ocean.”

By 1843, his uncertainty about how to label the latter class of tribes had been resolved in favor of calling them “Malayo-Polynesians” since by then “a real kindred, or community of origin” had been established “by affinity of language” between islanders in Southeast Asia (i.e., “Malays”) and those in the more remote parts of Oceania, who were by then often labeled as Polynesians (i.e., “people of the many islands”).

Today the favorite label for the “affinity of language” noted by Pritchard and others in the 19th century between people in Polynesia and some of the inhabitants of Island Southeast Asia is the linguist’s label Austronesian.  Nowadays, too, those said to be in Pritchard’s so-called class of savages are generally called “Papuans,” although the label “Melanesians” is also still used by some.

Racial redux

Under the headline “‘Game-changing’ study suggests first Polynesians voyaged all the way from East Asia,” Ann Gibbons, a writer at Science magazine who had written previously about the origins of the Polynesians (Gibbons 1994, 2001), announced in surprisingly unqualified terms on 3 October 2016 that the identity of the first settlers of Polynesia was at last known, thanks to a paper then just published in Nature reporting on the first genome‑wide study of ancient DNA from  prehistoric Polynesians (Skoglund et al. 2016). Lo and behold, their ancestors were ancient East Asian mariners “who swept out into the Pacific. It wasn’t until much later that Melanesians, probably men, ventured out into Oceania and mixed with the Polynesians.”

To clinch the story, she then quotes experts who apparently ought to know what they are talking about.

“The paper is a game‑changer,” says Cristian Capelli, a population geneticist at the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom, noting that that it settles a decades‑long dispute. By showing that the East Asians hopscotched past islands already populated by Melanesians without picking up their genes, it is also a case study in how culture can initially bar mixing between groups. “Farmers move in and don’t mix much with the hunter‑ gatherers,” says evolutionary geneticist Mark Thomas of University College London. “We see this again and again and again” elsewhere in the world.

Not so fast

The late population geneticist and mathematical ecologist Richard Levins is famous in scientific circles for once having declared in no uncertain terms that “truth is the intersection of independent lies.’’  Given that what Gibbons, Capelli, and Thomas are saying is intellectually—if not necessarily politically—racist, why are they so confident? Particularly since the claim being endorsed is based on DNA extracted from only four skulls dating to around 3,000 or so years ago (three from Vanuatu, and one from the Tongan Islands) compared with the DNA of less than 800 present-day individuals from 83 places in Asia and Oceania.

To a cautious statistical mind, such figures ought to raise the worry that not enough is known about human genetic variation in this part of the world to warrant going far out on a limb by declaring resolutely that science has now told us not only where the ancestors of the Polynesians came from, but also how.

Add to this concern the additional information that all four of the women in the archaeological sample from the Pacific display their strongest apparent genetic ties with Taiwan—currently the most popular place to start the purported ancient migration to Polynesia—and with the Philippines.* Does a modern comparative DNA sampling of 778 individuals from 83 places in Asia and Oceania tell us enough about genetic similarities and differences throughout this immense region to overrule the reasonable doubt that linking the four prehistoric women with present-day people in Taiwan and the Philippines wasn’t exactly an unpredictable finding? Isn’t it reasonable to suspect this study might be biased, i.e., is an example of looking specifically for something—a genetic connection with Taiwan, in particular—where you most hope to find it?

Two alternative stories

The research report in Nature that Ann Gibbons wrote about in Science last October has 31 credited authors, a global mix of geneticists and archaeologists. Their report starts off with the assertion: “Pacific islanders today derive from a mixture of two highly divergent ancestral populations.” These authors then go on to tell us that there are two alternative stories—they call them hypotheses—about these two primal races (a word they do not use), and they say they now know which of the two to believe.

Both stories accept as true the unstated premise that biology, language, and culture co-vary closely with one another. The first story is an old tale still favored by some archaeologists (Bellwood 2011). If (a) race, language, and culture co-vary, and (b) Polynesians today speak languages of Southeast Asian origin (i.e., Austronesian, formerly called “Malayo-Polynesian”), then (c) it follows that the ancestors of the Polynesians came from Southeast Asia.  The second story is a more recent alternative reconstruction of Polynesian origins (Green 2003). If (a) race, language, and culture co-vary, and (b) the so-called “Lapita cultural complex” archaeologically associated with the first settlers of Polynesia is a cultural mix of Southeast Asian and Melanesian traits, then (c) the Polynesians racially must also be of similarly mixed biological origin.

Needless to say, these collaborators would not have written their report if they had found they couldn’t adjudicate the right choice between these two alternative stories. And they do not disappoint us: “Our study has shown that many of the first humans in Remote Oceania had little, if any, Papuan ancestry, in stark contrast [an odd choice of words?] to the situation today.” And if so, the second story evidently can’t be correct, right?

But this is not all they have to conclude. In their estimation: “Systematic study of ancient DNA from throughout Remote Oceania should make it possible to provide a detailed chronicle of the population movements and sex-biased population mixtures that shaped the ancestry of present-day Oceanians.”

Should we accept as true what they tell us? Is there a better way to think about what they report? In other words, what’s the chance they have been barking up the wrong stories altogether?

Part 2: Necessary, plausible, and sufficient


*  Only 14 of the 83 places in their comparative sample are located in Island Southeast Asia; 2 of these are on Taiwan and 6 in the Philippines. None of the other 69 localities is in the region between the Philippines and northern New Guinea except for a single sample of 10 individuals from Sulawesi. We return to these figures in Part 2 of this commentary.


References

Bellwood, Peter. 2011. Holocene population history in the Pacific region as a model for worldwide food producer dispersals. Current Anthropology 52: S363–S378.

Gibbons, Ann. 1994. Genes point to a new identity for Pacific pioneers. Science 263: 32–33, p. 32.

Gibbons, Ann. 2001. The peopling of the Pacific. Science 291: 1735–1737.

Golitko, Mark, Ethan E. Cochrane, Esther M. Schechter, and Jason Kariwiga. 2016. Archaeological and Palaeoenviromental Investigations Near Aitape, Northern Papua New Guinea, 2014. Journal of Pacific Archaeology 7: 139–150.

Green, Roger C. 2003. The Lapita horizon and traditions – signature for one set of oceanic migrations. In C. Sand (ed.), Pacific Archaeology: Assessments and Prospects. Le Cahiers de l’Archéologie en Nouvelle-Calédonie 15. Nouméa: Service de Musées et du Patrimoine de Nouvelle-Calédonie, pp. 95-120.

Hanebuth, Till JJ, Harold K. Voris, Yusuke Yokoyama, Yoshiki Saito, and Jun’ichi Okuno. 2011. Formation and fate of sedimentary depocentres on Southeast Asia’s Sunda Shelf over the past sea-level cycle and biogeographic implications. Earth-Science Reviews 104: 92-110.

Lavery, Tyrone H., Andrew D. Olds, Jennifer M. Seddon, and Luke K‐P. Leung. 2016. The mammals of northern Melanesia: speciation, ecology, and biogeography.” Mammal Review 46: 60–76.

Matisoo-Smith, Elizabeth A. 2016. Human biology and population histories in the Pacific–Is there such thing as a Lapita people?. In: The Routledge Handbook of Bioarchaeology in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, edited by M. Oxenham and H. Buckley, pp. 389–408. Routledge, London.

Sathiamurthy, E. V. H. K., and Harold K. Voris. 2006. Maps of Holocene sea level transgression and submerged lakes on the Sunda Shelf. The Natural History Journal of Chulalongkorn University, Supplement 2: 1-43.

Skoglund, Pontus, Cosimo Posth, Kendra Sirak, Matthew Spriggs, Frederique Valentin, Stuart Bedford, Geoffrey R. Clark, et al. 2016. Genomic insights into the peopling of the Southwest Pacific. Nature 538: 510–513.

Specht, Jim, Tim Denham, James Goff, and John Edward Terrell. 2014. Deconstructing the Lapita cultural complex in the Bismarck Archipelago. Journal of Archaeological Research 22: 89-140.

Specht, Jim, Chris Gosden, Carol Lentfer, Geraldine Jacobsen, Peter J. Matthews, and Sue Lindsay. 2016. A pre-Lapita structure at Apalo, Arawe Islands, Papua New Guinea. The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology: 1-22.

Terrell, John. 1986. Causal pathways and causal processes: Studying the evolutionary prehistory of human diversity in language, customs, and biology. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 5: 187-198.

Terrell, John Edward. 2006. Human biogeography: Evidence of our place in nature. Journal of Biogeography 33: 2088-2098.

Terrell, John Edward. 2015. A Talent for Friendship. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward. In press. Understanding Lapita as history. In

Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Oceania, edited by Ethan Cochrane and Terry Hunt. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward, John Edward, Terry L. Hunt, and Chris Gosden. 1997. The dimensions of social life in the Pacific: Human diversity and the myth of the primitive isolate. Current Anthropology 38: 155–195.

Terrell, John Edward, Kevin M. Kelly, and Paul Rainbird. 2001. Foregone conclusions: In search of “Austronesians” and “Papuans.” Current Anthropology 42: 97–124.

Torrence, Robin, and Pamela Swadling. 2008. Social networks and the spread of Lapita. Antiquity 82: 600–616.

Walker, Robert S., and Kim R. Hill. 2014. Causes, consequences, and kin bias of human group fissions. Human Nature 25: 465-475.

© 2017 John Edward Terrell and Kevin M. Kelly. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.

Do men and women think differently?

Marc Kissel


Please note: this commentary, recovered on 28-Jan-2017, was originally published in Science Dialogues on 3-August-2014.


Years ago I mentioned to a group of female friends that I didn’t think men and women were really that different (well, besides the obvious ones). This caused quite the kerfuffle and led to the conclusion that I was an idiot. Yet, while it seems self-evident that men & women think differently this doesn’t mean that it is true . After all, it wasn’t too long ago were it was “obvious” that race was biology, that the sun circled the earth, and that jorts were a good idea.

A paper published last January caused quite the hubbub when it claimed to find significant differences between male and female brains (Ingalhalikar et al. 2014). Not tested in the paper, however, was whether those differences were cultural (in fact, the differences between sexes increased as the age of the children studied increased, which may suggest that something other than biology was at play).  A new study by Daniela Weber and colleagues (2014) investigates the role cultural factors may play in these apparent differences. They do so by examining cognitive task results from surveys of “nonindustrialized” men & women over 50 living in Europe, merging 13 countries into three regional groups and then comparing within and between these populations. The main results are shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Source: Webster et al. 2014.

For episodic memory (how well someone recalls a list of previously read words), women in Northern Europe have a higher average score than men, but the situation is more complex in other regions. Results differed in numeracy & category fluency categories based upon region as well. If you thought male/female difference were hard-wired, this shouldn’t be the case.

What causes these geographic differences? The Nick Wade’s of the world would probably suggest genetic differences are at the heart of the matter, but that does not seem to be the case. Instead access to education, along with other social factors, may be at the root of much of this.

Figure 2. Source: Webster et al. 2014.

This isn’t the clearest of figures. On the Y-axis is the average level of education for women minus that of men. When the number is negative, men on average spend a longer time in school than women do. On the X-Axis, is women’s cognitive performance minus men’s cognitive performance. I added colored lines at ‘0’ for each axis. Points to the right of the red line represent cohorts where women outperform men, while points above the blue line are when women have higher levels of education than men. As can be seen, in almost all cases men have reached higher education levels. It is interesting that, for episodic memory, as the mean years of differences in education years decreases, the difference between the sexes also decreases. Or as they put it: “These findings suggest that if women and men had equal levels of education, we should expect a female advantage in episodic memory, a male advantage in numeracy, and no gender differences in category fluency” (Weber et al. 2014:3).

In other words, reducing differences in access to education should lessen the differences in test scores.  Trying to discover sex-based differences without acknowledging the role cultural plays is always going to cause anthropologists to be wary so it is nice to see this acknowledged. As noted in the paper, there are many confounding variables that cannot be tested here and it is difficult to rule out  decline in mental acumen due to age-related cognitive decline. Further, I wonder about the geographic populations they define. What patterns would emerge if you didn’t group the 13 countries together in the same way as is done in this paper? Also interesting, though not really discussed, is that Northern Europeans (here represented by Denmark & Sweden) did better on all the cognitive assessments.

But it is always nice to see approaches that note that differences may be cultural rather than biological. Oh, and don’t get me  started on the blue = boys and girls =  pink nonsense.

References

Ingalhalikar, Madhura, et al. “Sex differences in the structural connectome of the human brain.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111.2 (2014): 823-828.

Weber, Daniela, et al. “The changing face of cognitive gender differences in Europe.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (2014): 201319538.

Marc Kissel (Ph.D, University of Wisconsin-Madison) is a native New Yorker transplanted into the wilds of the Midwest. His dissertation examined genetic models that try to explain why humans are so inbred compared to the living apes and asks if these models conform to anthropological reality (spoiler alert: they don’t!). He is interested in human evolution and likes to apply mathematical models, genetic data, and anthropology to questions about our evolutionary history (especially Neandertals). Currently he is a postdoc at Notre Dame studying the evolution of wisdom. You can find him him on Twitter @MarcKissel
© 2014 Marc Kissel. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.

Reconfiguring biological diversity 1. Toxic and obsolete assumptions

John Edward Terrell


This is part 1 of a two part article

IN AN INSIGHTFUL REVIEW of Nicholas Wade’s recent book A Troublesome Inheritance: Genes, Race and Human History (Wade 2014), the anthropological geneticist Charles C. Roseman concluded that current scientific arguments against biological racism are weak and scattered. These failings—my word, not Roseman’s—are far more than just scientifically troubling. “To recuperate a useful scientific critique of race,” he argues, “we need to come to grips with ways in which the political processes of racism have shaped human organisms over the last few hundred years” (Roseman 2014).

As Roseman notes, nobody seriously contests that human variation “is structured in geographic space, through time, and across many social divisions.” What is still up for grabs is how to explain this observable diversity. And as Roseman emphasizes, how we explain human variation cannot ignore the divisive and often destructive power of racism as a potent driver of human evolution. “Without incorporating the effects of racism into models of human variation today, we will not be able to have a cohesive theory of genes and race, and the scientific critique of race will continue to have no teeth.”

While Roseman’s observations focus on human biological diversity, the weaknesses and uncertainties he has highlighted about our explanations for variation within our species apply also to modern science’s grasp of biological diversity more broadly speaking. From this more inclusive point of view, racism is just a particularly invidious human form of social behavior capable of patterning our genetic diversity in time and space. If so, what about other species? How does the patterning of their mobility and social behavior shape their genetic diversity?

“Populations,” “admixture,” and conventional wisdom

Although the human brain can be coaxed into paying close attention to detail and nuance,  as a thinking machine it generally favors expediency and the utility of knowledge over precision and accuracy.  It is not altogether surprising, therefore, that even scientists often still take it for granted that biological species are naturally subdivided into separate “populations” or “subspecies” that  may occasionally—say under changing demographic or environmental conditions—meet and mix, and thereby produce more or less isolated “admixed” new hybrids (e.g., Moore 1994; Hellenthal et al. 2014). The question being overlooked or at any rate downplayed is how real and persistent are these assumed “populations” (Terrell and Stewart 1996; Kelly 2002).

This question may sound academic, but it is not trivial, as Charles Roseman has underscored. When it comes to human beings, the favored word in scholarly circles may be the word population or perhaps deme, group, or community, but for the chap on the street, the more likely choice wouldn’t be one of these formal terms, but rather the more down-to-earth word race. (I still vividly remember being scolded by a famous biological anthropologist decades ago when I was an undergraduate for using this particular “r” word. “We don’t use that word anymore,” he told me. “We use the term stock  instead.”)

What’s at stake here

It has been a foregone assumption in most genetics research for years that different species are by definition and by their biology isolated reproductively from one another, i.e., individuals in different species cannot mate and give birth to viable offspring capable of sustaining life for longer than a single generation. However, even the most committed cladist accepts that biological relationships below the level of the species are tokogenetic, not phylogenetic (Posada and Crandall 2001; Rieppel 2009).

Figure 1. “Tokogeny versus phylogeny. (a) Processes occurring among sexual species (phylogenetic processes) are hierarchical. That is, an ancestral species gives rise to two descendant species. (b) Processes occurring within sexual species (tokogenetic processes) are nonhierarchical. That is, two parentals combine their genes to give rise to the offspring. (c) The split of two species defines a phylogenetic relationship among species (thick lines) but, at the same time, relationships among individuals within the ancestral species (species 1) and within the descendant species (species 2 and 3) are tokogenetic (arrows).” Source: Posada and Crandall 2001, fig. 1.

Here, therefore, is the conundrum. Call them what you want, populations within any given species are not inherently isolated reproductively either by definition and by their biology. Hence to treat populations as natural units, they must first be defined and demonstrated to be isolated and discernible as such in some other way, or ways. Can this be done?

Here is one favored way when the species in question is ourselves. Many people believe that the language you speak is a reliable sign or marker of your true ethnicity and even your race. Is this right?

Hardly. As both fable and risqué jokes alike would have it, any sailor arriving in a strange port of call is likely to discover soon enough that you don’t really need to speak the local language to enjoy a good time while ashore as long as you have a few coins in your pocket. Yet scholars have long written about people living in what some see as the “underdeveloped” regions of the world as being subdivided into recognizable ethnolinguistic groups, language communities, and the like despite the fact that such euphemisms for the old-fashioned word race pigeonhole rather than map the realities of their lives (Terrell 2010a).

But if neither biology nor language inherently—i.e., “naturally”—isolates and thereby subdivides human beings as a species into different populations, subpopulations, demes, communities, stocks, or races, is there anything that does? And what about other species on earth?

Competition and tribalism, or isolation-by-distance?

As Roseman has remarked: “All analyses of human variation make strong assumptions about the mode, tempo, and pattern whenever they interpret statistical results to make evolutionary conclusions” (Roseman 2016). Favored explanations for or against the assumption that our species can be subdivided into enduring natural populations largely fall into one or the other of two basic sorts.

On the one hand, there has long been anecdotal and scholarly evidence, too, that geography and topography can limit how well and how often people are able to stay in touch with one another socially and intellectually as well as sexually. As the authors of one recent study commented, research has shown that there is a strong positive correlation between global genetic diversity within our species and geographic distance. The correlations observed have often been interpreted “as being consistent with a model of isolation by distance in which there are no major geographic discontinuities in the pattern of neutral genetic variation” (Hunley et al. 2009).

As these same authors note, however, discordant gene frequency patterns are also common within our species. It is obvious, too, that physical and social impediments to gene flow have regularly produced both larger discontinuities as well as concordant allele frequency patterns than would be expected based solely on isolation-by-distance (clinal) models of variation (Ibid.).

Adding social impediments to the mix of possible explanations brings into play the second way many have tried to explain why people around the globe appear to be so diverse. While there are many variants of this alternative argument, the essential ingredients are the baseline assumptions that (a) competition between individuals and groups is the main driving force of evolution, (b) human beings are by nature selfish and aggressive creatures, and (c) until recently humans lived in small tribal groups that were not just suspicious of strangers and other communities near and far, but were frequently at war them them, too. All of these claims are not only questionable, but are arguably contrary to the fundamental evolved characteristics of our species (Terrell 2015).


Part 2: Coming to grips with diversity 


References

Ball, Mark C., Laura Finnegan, Micheline Manseau, and Paul Wilson. 2010. Integrating multiple analytical approaches to spatially delineate and characterize genetic population structure: An application to boreal caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou) in central Canada. Conservation Genetics 11, 6: 2131-2143.

Dyer, Rodney J., and John D. Nason. 2004. Population graphs: The graph theoretic shape of genetic structure. Molecular ecology 13, 7: 1713-1727.

Fortuna, Miguel A., Rafael G. Albaladejo, Laura Fernández, Abelardo Aparicio, and Jordi Bascompte. 2009. Networks of spatial genetic variation across species. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106, 45: 19044-19049.

Friedlaender, Jonathan S., Françoise R. Friedlaender, Jason A. Hodgson, Matthew Stoltz, George Koki, Gisele Horvat, Sergey Zhadanov, Theodore G. Schurr, and D. Andrew Merriwether. 2007. Melanesian mtDNA complexityPLoS One 2, 2: e248.

Friedlaender, Jonathan S., Françoise R. Friedlaender, Floyd A. Reed, Kenneth K. Kidd, Judith R. Kidd, Geoffrey K. Chambers, Rodney A. Lea et al. 2008. The genetic structure of Pacific IslandersPLoS Genet 4, 1: e19.

Garroway, Colin J., Jeff Bowman, Denis Carr, and Paul J. Wilson. 2008. Applications of graph theory to landscape genetics. Evolutionary Applications 1, 4: 620-630.

Greenbaum, Gili, Alan R. Templeton, and Shirli Bar-David. 2016. Inference and analysis of population structure using genetic data and network theory. Genetics 202.4: 1299-1312.

Hellenthal, Garrett, George BJ Busby, Gavin Band, James F. Wilson, Cristian Capelli, Daniel Falush, and Simon Myers. 2014. A genetic atlas of human admixture history.” Science 343, 6172: 747-751.

Hunley, Keith, Michael Dunn, Eva Lindström, Ger Reesink, Angela Terrill, Meghan E. Healy, George Koki, Françoise R. Friedlaender, and Jonathan S. Friedlaender. 2008. Genetic and linguistic coevolution in Northern Island MelanesiaPLoS Genet 4, no. 10 (2008): e1000239.

Hunley, Keith L., Meghan E. Healy, and Jeffrey C. Long. 2009. The global pattern of gene identity variation reveals a history of long‐range migrations, bottlenecks, and local mate exchange: Implications for biological race. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 139, 1: 35-46.

Kelly, Kevin M.,  2002. Population. In Hart, J. P. & Terrell, J. E. (eds.) Darwin and Archaeology: A handbook of key concepts, pp 243–256. Westport, Ct: Bergin & Garvey.

Moore, John H. 1994. Putting anthropology back together again: The ethnogenetic critique of cladistic theory. American Anthropologist (1994): 925-948.

Posada, David, and Keith A. Crandall. 2001. Intraspecific gene genealogies: Trees grafting into networks. Trends in Ecology & Evolution 16, 1: 37-45.

Pritchard, Jonathan K., Matthew Stephens, and Peter Donnelly. 2000. Inference of population structure using multilocus genotype data. Genetics 155, 2: 945-959.

Rieppel, Olivier. 2009. Hennig’s enkaptic system. Cladistics 25, 3: 311-317.

Roseman, Chartes C. 2014. Troublesome Reflection: Racism as the Blind Spot in the Scientific Critique of Race” Human biology 86, 3: 233-240.

Roseman, Charles C. 2014. “Random genetic drift, natural selection, and noise in human cranial evolution. Human Biology 86, 3: 233-240.

Skoglund, Pontus, Cosimo Posth, Kendra Sirak, Matthew Spriggs, Frederique Valentin, Stuart Bedford, Geoffrey R. Clark et al. 2016. Genomic insights into the peopling of the Southwest Pacific. Nature 538: 510-513.

Terrell, John Edward. 2006. Human biogeography: Evidence of our place in nature. Journal of Biogeography 33, 12: 2088-2098.

Terrell, John Edward. 2010a. Language and material culture on the Sepik coast of Papua New Guinea: Using social network analysis to simulate, graph, identify, and analyze social and cultural boundaries between communities. Journal of Island & Coastal Archaeology 5, 1: 3-32.

Terrell, John Edward. 2010b. Social network analysis of the genetic structure of Pacific islanders. Annals of human genetics 74, 3: 211-232.

Terrell, John Edward. 2015. A Talent for Friendship: Rediscovery of a Remarkable Trait. Oxford University Press.

Terrell, John Edward, and Pamela J. Stewart. 1996. The paradox of human population genetics at the end of the twentieth century. Reviews in Anthropology 25, 1: 13-33.

Wade, Nicholas. 2014. A Troublesome Inheritance: Genes, Race and Human History. Penguin.

Wilson, David Sloan, and Edward O. Wilson. 2008. Evolution for the Good of the Group”: The process known as group selection was once accepted unthinkingly, then was widely discredited; it’s time for a more discriminating assessment. American Scientist 96, 5: 380-389.

Wright, Sewall. 1932. The roles of mutation, inbreeding, crossbreeding, and selection in evolution. Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Genetics , Vol. 1: 356-366.

© 2017 John Edward Terrell. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.

Human biogeography 2. Human diversity

John Edward Terrell


Please note: this commentary, recovered on 15-Jan-2017, was originally published in Science Dialogues on 5-Feb-2015.


Abstract – Human biogeography is not a thriving scientific enterprise. Why? In part because our species is remarkably talented at niche construction and highly inventive at adapting our socially learned ways of making a living and staying alive to meet the challenges and opportunities around us wherever we find ourselves on the planet. Nonetheless there is political as well as scientific need in the 21st century for an inclusive biogeographical perspective on human diversity recognizing that we are a globally distributed species whose diversity is framed by isolation-by-distance constrained by our social, economic, and political networks, and whose impact on the environment and our own sustainability is substantial and critically in need of informed restructuring.

This is part 2 of a 3 part series at SCIENCE DIALOGUES.


GENETIC EVIDENCE BOTH MOLECULAR AND METRIC now supports instead two robust observations about the biogeography of our species. First, our global physical diversity is structured not by geographic isolation, but instead by isolation-by-distance constrained by social, economic, and political networks (e.g., Lao et al. 2008; see also below) and the specifics of local geography. Said less awkwardly, people as a rule are similar to those nearby and differ from those living farther away. Second, we are proficient at crossing the lines we draw between ourselves and others. Social, cultural, economic, and political barriers are only as real as we want to make them, and social realities are in constant flux and renegotiation (Bashkow 2004).

To infer, as Nicholas Wade and others have done, that we have normally lived in isolated tribal groups until quite recently—say, before globalization—resurrects what the anthropologist Alexander Lesser once dubbed the myth of the primitive isolate—the belief that there were savage tribes before and after 1492 that were circumscribed, timeless societies having few and mostly hostile dealings with one another (Lesser 1961; Lewis 2008; Vincent 2009).

Ethnic stereotypes

Fredrik Barth has remarked that practically all social science reasoning rests on the notion that there are discrete groups of people on earth that can be variously labeled as populations, ethnic groups, societies, cultures, or races (Barth 1969). This way of charting our diversity—commonly called typological or categorical thinking—takes it as self-evident that things naturally come in different kinds, or types, that may legitimately be labeled as such. From this perspective, the words we use to describe things are like empty containers into which we can put things once we have grasped the essential meaning of these verbal containers.

Bild aus Seite 541 in “Die Gartenlaube.” Image from page 541 of journal Die Gartenlaube, 1887. Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Die_Gartenlaube_(1887)_b_541_2.jpg

From this perspective, it would seem self-evident that different kinds of people live in different parts of the world. After all, who could possibly mistake an African for an Asian or someone of Irish descent? Nor is this just a Euro-American way of parsing real or assumed geographic variation within our species. The anthropologist James Watson reported half a century ago, for example, that people he knew well in the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea had no difficulty pointing out to him how they saw themselves as different from other people in neighboring places despite the fact that these many small communities were intermittently marked by relocations, realignments, and the patriation of immigrants who had been expelled by hostile neighbors from their own lands—so much so, Watson related, that “to the literal-minded genealogist, the long-term kinship and continuity of each such group seem confused, even compromised” (Watson 1990: 17). Yet despite the demographic instability of these communities, he found that people there were generally quite confident they could draw lines between themselves and others for “no matter how permeable their boundaries or how checkered the history of their membership, they will consider themselves and will be thought to be distinct ethnic units” (Watson 1990: 18).

Group selectionism

The belief that people come in recognizable different types, kinds, or races is often paired with the notion that we are inherently selfish, intolerant, and aggressive—in a word, that we are all bullies at birth needing years of nurturance to become kind and socially adept humans. In this vein, the biogeographer Edward O. Wilson has written that when asked if humans are innately aggressive, he replies: “This is a favorite question of college seminars and cocktail party conversations,” he writes, “and one that raises emotion in political ideologues of all stripes. The answer to it is yes.” (Wilson 1978: 99).

The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition under attack from an African natives. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Emin_Pasha_Relief_Expedition_under_attack_Wellcome_L0034831.jpg

Recently Wilson underscored one of the major assertions behind this way of thinking about ourselves: that competition among groups rather than cooperation has been a powerful driving force behind the evolution of our species and our behavior as individuals. As Wilson has recently phrased the thought: “Our bloody nature, it can now be argued in the context of modern biology, is ingrained because group-versus-group was a principal driving force that made us what we are. . . . Each tribe knew with justification that if it was not armed and ready, its very existence was imperiled” (Wilson 2012: 62).

This is not the place to argue against such understandings of what it means to be human (Terrell 2014). Briefly put, as Robert Sussman has written: “To say that humans have a propensity for violence says nothing. We also have a propensity for nonviolence. In fact, the norm, or statistically more common behavior, within human groups is cooperation and among human groups is peace. Violence, both within and among societies, is statistically abnormal” (Sussman in: Fuentes et al. 2010).

Acknowledgments

I thank Eric Clark, Mark Golitko, John Hart, and Kevin Kelly for comments on the working draft.

References      § = suggested further reading

Banks, W. E. (2013). Review of Harcourt, Human biogeography. Quarterly Review of Biology 88, 39–40.

Barth, F. (1969). Introduction. In Barth, F. (ed.) Ethnic groups and boundaries: The social organization of culture difference, pp 9–38. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company.

Bashkow, I. (2004). A neo-Boasian conception of cultural boundaries. American Anthropologist 106, 443–458.

Caspari, R. (2003). From types to populations: A century of race, physical anthropology, and the American Anthropological Association. American Anthropologist 105, 65–76.

Castree, N. (2009). Charles Darwin and the geographers. Environment and Planning A 41, 2293–2298. §

Cox, C. B. and Moore, P. D. (2010). Biogeography: An ecological and evolutionary approach. 8th ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.

Elhaik, E., Tatarinova, T., Chebotarev, D. et al. (2014). Geographic population structure analysis of worldwide human populations infers their biogeographical origins. Nature Communications DOI: 10.1038/ncomms4513.

Fuentes, A., Marks, J., Ingold, T. et al. (2010). On nature and the human. American Anthropologist 112, 512–521.

Granovetter, M. S. (1973). The strength of weak ties. American Journal of Sociology 78, 1360–1380. §

Harcourt, A. H. (2012). Human biogeography. Berkeley: University of California Press. §

Hart, J. P. (2012). Why we are what and where we are. Science 338, 330.

Hellenthal, G., Busby, G. B. J., Band, G. et al. (2014). A genetic atlas of human admixture history. Science 343, 747–751.

Kelly, K. M.  (2002). Population. In Hart, J. P. & Terrell, J. E. (eds.) Darwin and archaeology: A handbook of key concepts, pp 243–256. Westport, Ct: Bergin & Garvey. §

Kivelä, M., Arnaud-Haond, S. and Saramäki, J. (2015).  EDENetworks: A user-friendly software to build and analyse networks in biogeography, ecology and population genetics. Molecular Ecology Resources 15, 117–122.

Koelsch, W. A. (2004). Franz Boas, geographer, and the problem of disciplinary identity. Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 40, 1–22.

Kolata, G. B. (1974). Human biogeography: Similarities between man and beast. Science 185, 134–135.

Laland, K. N. and O’Brien, M. J. (2011). Cultural niche construction: An introduction. Biological Theory 6, 191–202.

Lao, O., Lu, T. T., Nothnagel, M. et al. (2008). Correlation between genetic and geographic structure in Europe. Current Biology 18, 1241–1248.

Lesser, A. (1961). Social fields and the evolution of society. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 17, 40-48. §

Lewis, H. S. (2008). Franz Boas: Boon or bane? Reviews in Anthropology 37, 169–200.

Odling-Smee, F. J., Laland, K. N. and Feldman, M. W. (2003). Niche construction. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Radil, S. M., Flint, C. and Tita, G. E. (2010). Spatializing social networks: Using social network analysis to investigate geographies of gang rivalry, territoriality, and violence in Los Angeles. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 100, 307–326. §

Simon, H. A. (1973). The organization of complex systems. In Pattee, H. H. (ed.) Hierarchy theory: The challenge of complex systems, pp 1–27. New York: George Braziller.

Stocking, G. W., Jr (1987). Victorian anthropology. New York: Free Press.

Terrell, J. E. (1977a). Biology, biogeography and man. World Archaeology 8, 237–248.

Terrell, J. E. (1977b). Geographic systems and human diversity in the North Solomons. World Archaeology 9, 62–81.

Terrell, J. E. (1977c). Human biogeography in the Solomon Islands. Fieldiana: Anthropology 68, 1–47.

Terrell J. E. (2006). Human biogeography: Evidence of our place in nature. Journal of Biogeography 33, 2088–2098. §

Terrell, J. E. (2010a). Language and material culture on the Sepik coast of Papua New Guinea: Using social network analysis to simulate, graph, identify, and analyze social and cultural boundaries between communities. Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 5, 3–32.

Terrell, J. E. (2010b). Social network analysis of the genetic structure of Pacific Islanders. Annals of Human Genetics 74, 211–232. §

Terrell, J. E. (2014). A talent for friendship: Rediscovery of a remarkable trait. Oxford: Oxford University Press. §

Verdon, M. (2006). The world upside down: Boas, history, evolutionism, and science. History and Anthropology 17, 171–187.

Verdon, M. (2007). Franz Boas: Cultural history for the present, or obsolete natural history? Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 13, 433–451.

Vincent, J. (2009). Ahead of his time? Production and reception in the work of Alexander Lesser. American Ethnologist 15, 743–751.

Wade, N. (2014). A troublesome inheritance: Genes, race and human history. New York: Penguin Press.

Watson, J. B. (1990). Other people do other things: Lamarckian identities in Kainantu subdistrict, Papua New Guinea. In Linnekin, J. & Poyer, L. (eds.) Cultural identity and ethnicity in the Pacific, pp 17–41. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

Wilson, E. O. (1978). On human nature. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Wilson, E. O. (2012). The social conquest of the earth. New York: Liveright (a division of W. W. Norton).

© 2015 John Edward Terrell. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.

Human biogeography 1. Historical rivals

John Edward Terrell


Please note: this commentary, recovered on 15-Jan-2017, was originally published in Science Dialogues on 28-Jan-2015.


Abstract – Human biogeography is not a thriving scientific enterprise. Why? In part because our species is remarkably talented at niche construction and highly inventive at adapting our socially learned ways of making a living and staying alive to meet the challenges and opportunities around us wherever we find ourselves on the planet. Nonetheless there is political as well as scientific need in the 21st century for an inclusive biogeographical perspective on human diversity recognizing that we are a globally distributed species whose diversity is framed by isolation-by-distance constrained by our social, economic, and political networks, and whose impact on the environment and our own sustainability is substantial and critically in need of informed restructuring.

This is part 1 or a 3 part series at SCIENCE DIALOGUES


THERE OUGHT TO BE A NICHE in the economy of evolutionary biology for a research specialization called human biogeography, but use any search engine you favor and these two words as your key terms. You will find that while human geography has existed long enough to give rise to many sub-specializations (Castree 2009), human biogeography does not exist as a thriving scholarly enterprise, has given rise to no subfields, and is rarely noted as a possible contender for competitive research funding. Why? There are several reasons for this apparent truancy in the academic arena as well as an important lesson to be drawn for evolutionary biology.

Historical rivals

While the roots of modern species biogeography date back into the 18th century and before (Cox and Moore 2010), it has been conventional in Euro-American circles to treat human beings as apart from and even above the natural world (e.g., accounts of Creation in the Hebrew Bible and the Christian Old Testament). Perhaps for this reason, diverse research specializations such as ethnology, anthropology, archaeology, sociology, geography, physical anthropology, and the like took hold in the 19th century and early lay claim to much, if not all, of that century’s growing information about our own species diversity in its several dimensions—biological, cultural, social, ecological, economic, and linguistic (Stocking 1987). It seems possible—although perhaps difficult to prove—that seeing global human biodiversity as comparable in interesting ways to the diversity, relative abundance, and spatiotemporal distributions of other life forms has generally not been deemed appropriate or worthy. Alternatively, it might be argued that human biogeography was being practiced at least in the 19th century, but under the labeling physical geography, anthropogeography, or Erdkunde (Koelsch 2004). Whatever the explanation, other sciences have largely preempted the stage when the biogeography of human diversity is given serious attention.

Nature and nurture

Human biogeography has not been successful at establishing itself in the academic arena and marketplace in part also because it became increasingly apparent during the 19th century that our species is remarkably talented—to use today’s terminology—at environmental niche construction (Odling-Smee et al. 2003) as well as strikingly inventive at adapting our socially learned (i.e., “cultural”) ways of making a living and staying alive to meet the challenges as well as the prospective opportunities around us wherever we have found ourselves on the planet (Laland and O’Brien 2011). Hence centering research exclusively on the biological, epidemiological, and ecological side of being human might be asking us to overlook many and possibly most of the probable reasons accounting for our presence and impacts on local and regional environments as well as the global biosphere.

Folk human biogeography

Despite the growing sophistication during the 19th century of scientific ways of studying and interpreting human diversity in its many dimensions, older commonsensical ways of understanding our global variation as a species continued to hold sway in the public arena (Lewis 2008). Many of these old ideas survived the 20th century (Caspari 2003) and remain popular today. Two notions, in particular, are often voiced although there is by now more than sufficient evidence to the contrary. The first is the belief that we are an inherently tribal species. The second is the conviction that we are by nature untrustworthy, self-centered, and prone to violence.

The anthropologist Gustaf Retzius at work between circa 1870 and 1890. Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Antropologen_Gustaf_Retzius_i_f%C3%A4rd_med_att_m%C3%A4ta_h%C3%A4rjedalssamen_Fjellstedts_huvud_-_Nordiska_Museet_-_NMA.0052720.jpg PD-1923

For example, Nicholas Wade recently insisted that after we began leaving Africa around 50,000 years ago and started colonizing the rest of the world, we subsequently evolved in isolation on each of the earth’s major continents into biologically distinct races, which both popular wisdom and Wade say are three or so in number (Africans, Asians, and Caucasians) because “human evolution has been recent, copious and regional” and these dispersing human pioneers broke up into small tribal groups as they spread out across the globe. “The mixing of genes between these little populations was probably very limited. Even if geography had not been a formidable barrier, the hunter-gatherer groups were territorial and mostly hostile to strangers” (Wade 2014: 78).

Such interpretations may be appealing in their simplicity, but they are more in keeping with folk wisdom than with available research findings.

Acknowledgments

I thank Eric Clark, Mark Golitko, John Hart, and Kevin Kelly for comments on the working draft.

References      § = suggested further reading

Banks, W. E. (2013). Review of Harcourt, Human biogeography. Quarterly Review of Biology 88, 39–40.

Barth, F. (1969). Introduction. In Barth, F. (ed.) Ethnic groups and boundaries: The social organization of culture difference, pp 9–38. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company.

Bashkow, I. (2004). A neo-Boasian conception of cultural boundaries. American Anthropologist 106, 443–458.

Caspari, R. (2003). From types to populations: A century of race, physical anthropology, and the American Anthropological Association. American Anthropologist 105, 65–76.

Castree, N. (2009). Charles Darwin and the geographers. Environment and Planning A 41, 2293–2298. §

Cox, C. B. and Moore, P. D. (2010). Biogeography: An ecological and evolutionary approach. 8th ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.

Elhaik, E., Tatarinova, T., Chebotarev, D. et al. (2014). Geographic population structure analysis of worldwide human populations infers their biogeographical origins. Nature Communications DOI: 10.1038/ncomms4513.

Fuentes, A., Marks, J., Ingold, T. et al. (2010). On nature and the human. American Anthropologist 112, 512–521.

Granovetter, M. S. (1973). The strength of weak ties. American Journal of Sociology 78, 1360–1380. §

Harcourt, A. H. (2012). Human biogeography. Berkeley: University of California Press. §

Hart, J. P. (2012). Why we are what and where we are. Science 338, 330.

Hellenthal, G., Busby, G. B. J., Band, G. et al. (2014). A genetic atlas of human admixture history. Science 343, 747–751.

Kelly, K. M.  (2002). Population. In Hart, J. P. & Terrell, J. E. (eds.) Darwin and archaeology: A handbook of key concepts, pp 243–256. Westport, Ct: Bergin & Garvey. §

Kivelä, M., Arnaud-Haond, S. and Saramäki, J. (2015).  EDENetworks: A user-friendly software to build and analyse networks in biogeography, ecology and population genetics. Molecular Ecology Resources 15, 117–122.

Koelsch, W. A. (2004). Franz Boas, geographer, and the problem of disciplinary identity. Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 40, 1–22.

Kolata, G. B. (1974). Human biogeography: Similarities between man and beast. Science 185, 134–135.

Laland, K. N. and O’Brien, M. J. (2011). Cultural niche construction: An introduction. Biological Theory 6, 191–202.

Lao, O., Lu, T. T., Nothnagel, M. et al. (2008). Correlation between genetic and geographic structure in Europe. Current Biology 18, 1241–1248.

Lesser, A. (1961). Social fields and the evolution of society. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 17, 40-48. §

Lewis, H. S. (2008). Franz Boas: Boon or bane? Reviews in Anthropology 37, 169–200.

Odling-Smee, F. J., Laland, K. N. and Feldman, M. W. (2003). Niche construction. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Radil, S. M., Flint, C. and Tita, G. E. (2010). Spatializing social networks: Using social network analysis to investigate geographies of gang rivalry, territoriality, and violence in Los Angeles. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 100, 307–326. §

Simon, H. A. (1973). The organization of complex systems. In Pattee, H. H. (ed.) Hierarchy theory: The challenge of complex systems, pp 1–27. New York: George Braziller.

Stocking, G. W., Jr (1987). Victorian anthropology. New York: Free Press.

Terrell, J. E. (1977a). Biology, biogeography and man. World Archaeology 8, 237–248.

Terrell, J. E. (1977b). Geographic systems and human diversity in the North Solomons. World Archaeology 9, 62–81.

Terrell, J. E. (1977c). Human biogeography in the Solomon Islands. Fieldiana: Anthropology 68, 1–47.

Terrell J. E. (2006). Human biogeography: Evidence of our place in nature. Journal of Biogeography 33, 2088–2098. §

Terrell, J. E. (2010a). Language and material culture on the Sepik coast of Papua New Guinea: Using social network analysis to simulate, graph, identify, and analyze social and cultural boundaries between communities. Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 5, 3–32.

Terrell, J. E. (2010b). Social network analysis of the genetic structure of Pacific Islanders. Annals of Human Genetics 74, 211–232. §

Terrell, J. E. (2014). A talent for friendship: Rediscovery of a remarkable trait. Oxford: Oxford University Press. §

Verdon, M. (2006). The world upside down: Boas, history, evolutionism, and science. History and Anthropology 17, 171–187.

Verdon, M. (2007). Franz Boas: Cultural history for the present, or obsolete natural history? Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 13, 433–451.

Vincent, J. (2009). Ahead of his time? Production and reception in the work of Alexander Lesser. American Ethnologist 15, 743–751.

Wade, N. (2014). A troublesome inheritance: Genes, race and human history. New York: Penguin Press.

Watson, J. B. (1990). Other people do other things: Lamarckian identities in Kainantu subdistrict, Papua New Guinea. In Linnekin, J. & Poyer, L. (eds.) Cultural identity and ethnicity in the Pacific, pp 17–41. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

Wilson, E. O. (1978). On human nature. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Wilson, E. O. (2012). The social conquest of the earth. New York: Liveright (a division of W. W. Norton).

© 2015 John Edward Terrell. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The statements and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not constitute official statements or positions of the Editors and others associated with SCIENCE DIALOGUES.